Hitler Here: A Biographical Novel

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9780991062386: Hitler Here: A Biographical Novel
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In his epic biographical novel, Hitler Here, George Thomas Clark lets the characters tell their stories in first-person style.  Readers thus see Hitler as a disturbed and frightened man who belongs in a mental institution or prison instead of the Chancellery, Goering as a once dashing fighter ace reduced to drug addiction and tragic buffoonery, Goebbels as a brilliant propagandist and orator addicted to power and sex, Himmler as an awkward bureaucrat anxious to murder in them ass to please Hitler, Geli Raubaul as the doomed niece of the Fuehrer, and Eva Braun as a woman obsessed with a man who often ignores her efforts to please him.  Many other characters energize this book, including the pompous Mussolini, the sincere but inept Neville Chamberlain, the brutal Stalin,talented German generals Rommel and Manstein, and their worthy Russian adversary Georgi Zhukov.

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About the Author:

George Thomas Clark is the author of Paint it Blue, Death in the Ring, The Bold Investor, Hitler Here, an internationally-acclaimed biographical novel, Obama on Edge, Echoes from Saddam Hussein, and Tales of Romance.

In addition to writing, Clark follows the news and sports, exercises daily (albeit delicately), collects contemporary art, enjoys independent movies, and travels to places (most recently Madrid, Mexico City, Quito, Guanajuato, and Aguascalientes) where he can socialize in Spanish.

The author's website is GeorgeThomasClark.com

Excerpt. Reprinted by permission. All rights reserved.:

Justice Right and Left
--By Walther Rathenau

I was thoroughly aggrieved by the tragedy and sheer idiocy that everywhere enveloped the country. The German mark continued to plummet, along with our national wealth, and we were ever saddled with the quite unfair and unrealistic Versailles reparations assessed us not on the basis of sound international principle but on the base instinct of shortsighted revenge. These complex problems demanded profound insight and rare experience, and I well knew that my controversial talents made me a glaring target for the band of Neanderthals on the right who tried to kill anyone not sharing their zest for stupidity and brutality. Underneath my coat, not far from my heart, I kept a pistol always loaded and ready.

I realized some Germans never would recognize who I was as a man. They looked at me only as a Jew. I was proud to be a Jew, but I was even prouder to be a German. My family had charged to prominence in a great Germany that permitted my father to launch the German Edison Company and provide the magic of incandescent light. I voraciously studied science, economics and the arts, and soared to company president with such efficiency that respect was rarely denied.

During our nation's struggle for survival, I had served as Chief of the War Materials Division. Combining an administrative flair with my ability to extract pure nitrogen from the air, I generated a supply of explosives well beyond what otherwise could have been possible. The prominence of the War Materials Division increased as our strategic predicament worsened, and I exerted influence over vast economic resources, as a means to improve war efforts.

The worst lies about the war concerned the final days, when traditional military means clearly would not save the Reich. I had tried to rouse the nation to arm and resist the encroaching enemy. But when this plan was discussed with the illustrious General Ludendorff, that defeatist was so febrile with fear he lacked the ability to do his job as a soldier, and could only say no, then desert the Fatherland.

Years later, as Foreign Minister of Germany, I recently journeyed to Genoa for an economic conference. After several amiable conversations with the Russian commissar of foreign affairs, we decided to drive east along the blue Riviera coast to Rapallo, where we discussed how our nations could extricate themselves from defeat and economic devastation. Readily we agreed to renew diplomatic relations, expand trade and renounce reparations affecting each other. And most stunning: Russia and Germany pledged to interact militarily. We planned, with support from Lenin, to send German officers to Russia to train Soviet troops in exchange for the Russians manufacturing tanks and munitions prohibited us by Versailles. I should note that the head of the German Army, General Hans von Seeckt, was delighted with this treaty, which doubled or trebled his theretofore limited logistical options.

Though the informed majority in Germany applauded the Rapallo Treaty, reactionaries could not comprehend the breakthrough. They called me a Bolshevik bedfellow and an even worse than typical Jew. I also outraged a number of factions by advocating we comply with the ludicrous Versailles demand for a hundred-thirty billion gold marks in reparations. I had clearly explained in the Reichstag, and elsewhere, that paying a few exorbitant bills now would prove, by sheer economic logic, that we were unable to continue.

I hated our vulnerability as much as anyone, and often thought about when Germany would be great again. Ours was a nation of ambition and vigor. Right now I could see those qualities in several road workers we drove by just after leaving my Berlin estate. On this promising June 1922 morning, sitting straight up in the back seat of my open limousine, I knew what had to come.

Nearby, as we slowed at a series of sharp turns, I heard a roar just before a long car lunged alongside, then shot just ahead and jerked over, forcing my car off the road. As I prepared to stand and ask the meaning of such idiocy, I saw for the first time a luminous leather jacket. I did not see a face in the leather, only a gun held straight and level and bursting now with fire that ripped me in the chest and knocked me bloody back at an angle in the back seat. Another nice leather jacket stood and threw an egg grenade that buffeted my inert body before returning it against the seat. The chauffeur immediately sped to look for a doctor.

Soon I received spiritual vindication in several public protests. During the largest, seven hundred thousand Berliners gathered on the streets and denounced not only my murder but also the bestiality of an increasing number of Germans. In the three-and-a-half years preceding my death, approximately three hundred fifty political assassinations were committed by rightists, and but twenty-three by leftists. Yet, due to the complicity of police, judges and soldiers, the average leftist received a fifteen-year prison sentence while the average rightist got four months. The police did hunt down my killers, and shot one. The other shouted a tribute to Commander Ehrhardt, then shot himself.

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