Situation in Bosnia: Hearings Before the Committee on Armed Services, United States Senate, One Hundred Fourth Congress, First Session, June 7, 8, 14, ... 28; December 6, 1995 (Classic Reprint)

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9781331537939: Situation in Bosnia: Hearings Before the Committee on Armed Services, United States Senate, One Hundred Fourth Congress, First Session, June 7, 8, 14, ... 28; December 6, 1995 (Classic Reprint)

Excerpt from Situation in Bosnia: Hearings Before the Committee on Armed Services, United States Senate, One Hundred Fourth Congress, First Session, June 7, 8, 14, 15; September 29; October 17; November 28; December 6, 1995

As always, we are honored to have you gentlemen appear before the committee.

You both are bearing a heavy burden as the crisis deepens. The issues we are considering are matters of life and death, and have serious implications for the welfare of the United States and our allies. But the burden is not yours alone. Congress also plays a role in deciding on the response to a crisis that might involve American forces. It is vital for all of us to understand the choices before us, and, if possible, to reach agreement about how to proceed.

I remain deeply concerned about the path the administration appears to be taking in Bosnia. I have consistently said that U.S. military intervention is to be avoided. There could be no Western-imposed military solution to this conflict between ancient enemies with deep historical, cultural, and religious hatreds.

Mr. Secretary, you and other officials from the Defense Department have briefed us several times on Operations Plan 4104, NATO's plan to withdraw U.N. forces from Bosnia, if it becomes necessary. I believe most members of Congress support this plan. If implemented, we understand it would be a NATO operation, with no dual-key command arrangement, and with sufficient force to deter or defeat any attempt to interfere. It would be limited in scope to getting all U.N. troops out of Bosnia.

However, last week in Colorado, President Clinton seemed to propose an additional NATO mission to assist in the reconfiguring and consolidation of UNPROFOR. That is a major shift from a withdrawal operation. In a subsequent statement, the President appears to have backed away from the suggestion made in Colorado, but now the U.S. is poised to assist the French and British and deploy a rapid reaction force in Bosnia that would reinforce UNPROFOR, and so confusion remains.

I believe the administration is stumbling towards greater involvement in Bosnia without a coherent policy or clear strategy. If confusion exists among the Nation's top leaders, it will inevitably result in confusion at the operational level and cause unnecessary loss of life, as the shooting down of our F-16 pilot last week attests. I agree that we have an obligation to our allies, and have said so on many occasions. President Clinton remarked last week that we cannot leave our allies in the lurch. This is true. However, that does not mean the United States must join them in the lurch. The best way to meet our obligations to our allies is to cover the withdrawal of the U.N. troops from Bosnia. But if our allies persist in a course of action that is doomed to fail, we should consider ourselves free of any obligation to join them.

If Congress agreed to support a U.S. and NATO mission to help UNPROFOR consolidate its posture, that would perpetuate the U.N.'s presence in Bosnia. It would also force U.S. and NATO forces to operate under the U.N., which is a root problem in the current approach. The administration's policy is clearly committed to keeping UNPROFOR in Bosnia. The administration seems to think that if UNPROFOR withdraws, that the responsibility for whatever happens next will fall on the United States. I do not agree.

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United States Congress Senat Services
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Book Description Forgotten Books, United States, 2015. Paperback. Book Condition: New. Language: English . Brand New Book ***** Print on Demand *****. Excerpt from Situation in Bosnia: Hearings Before the Committee on Armed Services, United States Senate, One Hundred Fourth Congress, First Session, June 7, 8, 14, 15; September 29; October 17; November 28; December 6, 1995 As always, we are honored to have you gentlemen appear before the committee. You both are bearing a heavy burden as the crisis deepens. The issues we are considering are matters of life and death, and have serious implications for the welfare of the United States and our allies. But the burden is not yours alone. Congress also plays a role in deciding on the response to a crisis that might involve American forces. It is vital for all of us to understand the choices before us, and, if possible, to reach agreement about how to proceed. I remain deeply concerned about the path the administration appears to be taking in Bosnia. I have consistently said that U.S. military intervention is to be avoided. There could be no Western-imposed military solution to this conflict between ancient enemies with deep historical, cultural, and religious hatreds. Mr. Secretary, you and other officials from the Defense Department have briefed us several times on Operations Plan 4104, NATO s plan to withdraw U.N. forces from Bosnia, if it becomes necessary. I believe most members of Congress support this plan. If implemented, we understand it would be a NATO operation, with no dual-key command arrangement, and with sufficient force to deter or defeat any attempt to interfere. It would be limited in scope to getting all U.N. troops out of Bosnia. However, last week in Colorado, President Clinton seemed to propose an additional NATO mission to assist in the reconfiguring and consolidation of UNPROFOR. That is a major shift from a withdrawal operation. In a subsequent statement, the President appears to have backed away from the suggestion made in Colorado, but now the U.S. is poised to assist the French and British and deploy a rapid reaction force in Bosnia that would reinforce UNPROFOR, and so confusion remains. I believe the administration is stumbling towards greater involvement in Bosnia without a coherent policy or clear strategy. If confusion exists among the Nation s top leaders, it will inevitably result in confusion at the operational level and cause unnecessary loss of life, as the shooting down of our F-16 pilot last week attests. I agree that we have an obligation to our allies, and have said so on many occasions. President Clinton remarked last week that we cannot leave our allies in the lurch. This is true. However, that does not mean the United States must join them in the lurch. The best way to meet our obligations to our allies is to cover the withdrawal of the U.N. troops from Bosnia. But if our allies persist in a course of action that is doomed to fail, we should consider ourselves free of any obligation to join them. If Congress agreed to support a U.S. and NATO mission to help UNPROFOR consolidate its posture, that would perpetuate the U.N. s presence in Bosnia. It would also force U.S. and NATO forces to operate under the U.N., which is a root problem in the current approach. The administration s policy is clearly committed to keeping UNPROFOR in Bosnia. The administration seems to think that if UNPROFOR withdraws, that the responsibility for whatever happens next will fall on the United States. I do not agree. About the Publisher Forgotten Books publishes hundreds of thousands of rare and classic books. Find more at. Bookseller Inventory # AAV9781331537939

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United States Congress Senat Services
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Book Description Forgotten Books, United States, 2015. Paperback. Book Condition: New. Language: English . Brand New Book ***** Print on Demand *****.Excerpt from Situation in Bosnia: Hearings Before the Committee on Armed Services, United States Senate, One Hundred Fourth Congress, First Session, June 7, 8, 14, 15; September 29; October 17; November 28; December 6, 1995 As always, we are honored to have you gentlemen appear before the committee. You both are bearing a heavy burden as the crisis deepens. The issues we are considering are matters of life and death, and have serious implications for the welfare of the United States and our allies. But the burden is not yours alone. Congress also plays a role in deciding on the response to a crisis that might involve American forces. It is vital for all of us to understand the choices before us, and, if possible, to reach agreement about how to proceed. I remain deeply concerned about the path the administration appears to be taking in Bosnia. I have consistently said that U.S. military intervention is to be avoided. There could be no Western-imposed military solution to this conflict between ancient enemies with deep historical, cultural, and religious hatreds. Mr. Secretary, you and other officials from the Defense Department have briefed us several times on Operations Plan 4104, NATO s plan to withdraw U.N. forces from Bosnia, if it becomes necessary. I believe most members of Congress support this plan. If implemented, we understand it would be a NATO operation, with no dual-key command arrangement, and with sufficient force to deter or defeat any attempt to interfere. It would be limited in scope to getting all U.N. troops out of Bosnia. However, last week in Colorado, President Clinton seemed to propose an additional NATO mission to assist in the reconfiguring and consolidation of UNPROFOR. That is a major shift from a withdrawal operation. In a subsequent statement, the President appears to have backed away from the suggestion made in Colorado, but now the U.S. is poised to assist the French and British and deploy a rapid reaction force in Bosnia that would reinforce UNPROFOR, and so confusion remains. I believe the administration is stumbling towards greater involvement in Bosnia without a coherent policy or clear strategy. If confusion exists among the Nation s top leaders, it will inevitably result in confusion at the operational level and cause unnecessary loss of life, as the shooting down of our F-16 pilot last week attests. I agree that we have an obligation to our allies, and have said so on many occasions. President Clinton remarked last week that we cannot leave our allies in the lurch. This is true. However, that does not mean the United States must join them in the lurch. The best way to meet our obligations to our allies is to cover the withdrawal of the U.N. troops from Bosnia. But if our allies persist in a course of action that is doomed to fail, we should consider ourselves free of any obligation to join them. If Congress agreed to support a U.S. and NATO mission to help UNPROFOR consolidate its posture, that would perpetuate the U.N. s presence in Bosnia. It would also force U.S. and NATO forces to operate under the U.N., which is a root problem in the current approach. The administration s policy is clearly committed to keeping UNPROFOR in Bosnia. The administration seems to think that if UNPROFOR withdraws, that the responsibility for whatever happens next will fall on the United States. I do not agree. About the Publisher Forgotten Books publishes hundreds of thousands of rare and classic books. Find more at. Bookseller Inventory # AAV9781331537939

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Book Description Forgotten Books, United States, 2015. Paperback. Book Condition: New. Language: English . This book usually ship within 10-15 business days and we will endeavor to dispatch orders quicker than this where possible. Brand New Book. Excerpt from Situation in Bosnia: Hearings Before the Committee on Armed Services, United States Senate, One Hundred Fourth Congress, First Session, June 7, 8, 14, 15; September 29; October 17; November 28; December 6, 1995 As always, we are honored to have you gentlemen appear before the committee. You both are bearing a heavy burden as the crisis deepens. The issues we are considering are matters of life and death, and have serious implications for the welfare of the United States and our allies. But the burden is not yours alone. Congress also plays a role in deciding on the response to a crisis that might involve American forces. It is vital for all of us to understand the choices before us, and, if possible, to reach agreement about how to proceed. I remain deeply concerned about the path the administration appears to be taking in Bosnia. I have consistently said that U.S. military intervention is to be avoided. There could be no Western-imposed military solution to this conflict between ancient enemies with deep historical, cultural, and religious hatreds. Mr. Secretary, you and other officials from the Defense Department have briefed us several times on Operations Plan 4104, NATO s plan to withdraw U.N. forces from Bosnia, if it becomes necessary. I believe most members of Congress support this plan. If implemented, we understand it would be a NATO operation, with no dual-key command arrangement, and with sufficient force to deter or defeat any attempt to interfere. It would be limited in scope to getting all U.N. troops out of Bosnia. However, last week in Colorado, President Clinton seemed to propose an additional NATO mission to assist in the reconfiguring and consolidation of UNPROFOR. That is a major shift from a withdrawal operation. In a subsequent statement, the President appears to have backed away from the suggestion made in Colorado, but now the U.S. is poised to assist the French and British and deploy a rapid reaction force in Bosnia that would reinforce UNPROFOR, and so confusion remains. I believe the administration is stumbling towards greater involvement in Bosnia without a coherent policy or clear strategy. If confusion exists among the Nation s top leaders, it will inevitably result in confusion at the operational level and cause unnecessary loss of life, as the shooting down of our F-16 pilot last week attests. I agree that we have an obligation to our allies, and have said so on many occasions. President Clinton remarked last week that we cannot leave our allies in the lurch. This is true. However, that does not mean the United States must join them in the lurch. The best way to meet our obligations to our allies is to cover the withdrawal of the U.N. troops from Bosnia. But if our allies persist in a course of action that is doomed to fail, we should consider ourselves free of any obligation to join them. If Congress agreed to support a U.S. and NATO mission to help UNPROFOR consolidate its posture, that would perpetuate the U.N. s presence in Bosnia. It would also force U.S. and NATO forces to operate under the U.N., which is a root problem in the current approach. The administration s policy is clearly committed to keeping UNPROFOR in Bosnia. The administration seems to think that if UNPROFOR withdraws, that the responsibility for whatever happens next will fall on the United States. I do not agree. About the Publisher Forgotten Books publishes hundreds of thousands of rare and classic books. Find more at. Bookseller Inventory # LIE9781331537939

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