Best That I Can Be - Hardcover

Johnson, Rafer

  • 4.14 out of 5 stars
    22 ratings by Goodreads
 
9780385487603: Best That I Can Be

Synopsis

Rafer Johnson's story is the classic American dream: hard work leading to success, honor, and glory.  Here, he openly writes about his humble beginnings in an obscure African American Texas ghetto, his growing up in the all-white, sun-drenched Californian town of Kingsburg, and his time at UCLA as the president of the student body and an acclaimed athlete.  His talents brought him to dramatic athletic duels in Moscow, Melbourne, and Rome, and to the glamour of acting, broadcasting, and politics in Hollywood, Washington, D.C., and the rest of the nation.

Structured around the ten events of the decathlon, Rafer's memoir vividly describes an exceptional life.  It introduces remarkable people, both unknown and celebrated (the Kennedy family; Gloria Steinem; Bill Bright, founder of Campus Crusade; Tom Brokaw; and others), who befriended Rafer and affected his life.  It tells of obstacles and tragedies--crippling injuries, an alcoholic father, the assassination of his close friend Robert F.  Kennedy--and what it takes to overcome them.  With tact, integrity, and acute observation, Rafer Johnson shares the intimate moments that have shaped his life and the lives of others.

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About the Author

Rafer Johnson won the gold medal for the decathlon in the 1960 Olympic Games, posting a new Olympic record in the event.  After the Olympics, he devoted his time to his family, his career, and helping others.  To this end, he became a sports commentator, worked with Robert F.  Kennedy, is President of Rafer Johnson Enterprises, and Chairman of the Board for the Southern California Special Olympics.  He lives in Los Angeles with his wife, and has two children.

From the Inside Flap

n's story is the classic American dream: hard work leading to success, honor, and glory. Here, he openly writes about his humble beginnings in an obscure African American Texas ghetto, his growing up in the all-white, sun-drenched Californian town of Kingsburg, and his time at UCLA as the president of the student body and an acclaimed athlete. His talents brought him to dramatic athletic duels in Moscow, Melbourne, and Rome, and to the glamour of acting, broadcasting, and politics in Hollywood, Washington, D.C., and the rest of the nation.

Structured around the ten events of the decathlon, Rafer's memoir vividly describes an exceptional life. It introduces remarkable people, both unknown and celebrated (the Kennedy family; Gloria Steinem; Bill Bright, founder of Campus Crusade; Tom Brokaw; and others), who befriended Rafer and affected his life. It tells of obstacles and tragedies--crippling injuries, an alcoholic father, the assassination of hi

Reviews

For too many athletes, their best is merely physical. For Johnson, it has been much more. In the Rome Olympics of 1960, Johnson won the Gold Medal in the decathlon, and this event informed his life and his own telling of it, as each of the 10 chapter titles here reflects one event (e.g., "Clearing the Hurdle"). His story is exactly the kind Americans love: born to a hard-working, decent but poor family in a close-knit African American community in Texas, he tried hard and succeeded spectacularly. Rome was followed by a flirtation with the movies (including John Ford's Sergeant Rutledge) and then a job in broadcasting. But most of all, he devoted his life to doing good. His early work for People to People, a worldwide exchange program, led to a meeting with Robert Kennedy, who became a good friend. Through Eunice Kennedy Shriver he founded the California Special Olympics, one of a group of causes that would include the California State Recreation Commission, the Fair Housing Congress, the Fellowship of Christian Athletes, the Campus Crusade, the Peace Corps and HEW's Committee on Mental Retardation. Perhaps it's inevitable that race figures in his memoirs, but his tone is candid, rarely displaying rancor when recalling even recent racism or when discussing the disapproval of his interracial marriage. Over half of the book is devoted to his early life?his schooling at UCLA and his training for Rome?no doubt because it offers good narrative build up. But one senses that Johnson's modesty may have gotten in the way of describing the equally impressive life after. Editor, Eric Major; agent, Lynn Franklin.
Copyright 1998 Reed Business Information, Inc.

A diverting autobiography by the 1960 Olympic decathlon champion, told with equal parts grace, humility, and candor. Johnson's story is set up in ten chapters, each representing an event in the decathlon and bearing titles such as ``Clearing the Hurdle'' and ``Vaulting High, Falling Far.'' Born in 1935 in Texas, he grew up In Kingsburg, Calif.,, a small town not far from Fresno. He was attracted to track, in part, he says, ``because the sport did not involve one-on-one physical confrontation or attempts to do harm to opponents.'' Fresh out of high school in 1953, he started doing well in national meets, placing just behind Olympians like Bob Richards. A young black man, he attended UCLA because of the school's ``proud long-standing commitment to racial equality'' and because he felt a special affinity for Coach Elvin ``Ducky'' Drake. Johnson won the decathlon at the 1955 Pan Am Games, setting a new record in his first international competition. His sights were on Olympic gold, though injuries forced him to settle for silver at Melbourne in 1956. He would reach the pinnacle at the1960 Rome Olympics in an intense competition with his good friend C.K. Yang of Taiwan. Johnson's insights and descriptions of the decathlon events are a highlight of the book. Following his athletic career, Johnson appeared in a number of Hollywood films (without distinction), worked for People to People and the Peace Corps, served as a sports reporter for NBC, and was hired as an affirmative-action consultant by Continental Telephone, where he became a vice president. Always one to be involved, Johnson was a member of Robert F. Kennedy's entourage and was present when the senator was assassinated. He offers a riveting account of that event, of helping to wrestle Sirhan Sirhan to the floor and prying the gun from his hands. Never an ego-driven man, Johnson is perhaps the most undervalued, underpublicized sports hero in recent memory. (8 pages b&w photos, not seen) (Author tour) -- Copyright ©1998, Kirkus Associates, LP. All rights reserved.

This is the autobiography of one of this country's greatest athletes, Rafer Johnson. A former world champion decathlete and gold medal winner at the 1960 Rome Olympics, Johnson has been admired by many as a man of integrity and as a Christian leader and referred to by Tom Brokaw as the quintessential American hero. Johnson identifies four reasons for finally telling his story, which takes place on both the athletic and political stages (Johnson was a valued friend of the late Senator Robert Kennedy): to pay homage to all those who helped him, provide an accurate record of his life, inspire young people, and encourage parents, teachers, and others to assist our youth. The conclusion of the book sums up Johnson's message, his wish to be "someone who was of service to his family and community, trying to be the best that he could be"?certainly a worthy goal. This thought-provoking and inspiring read is recommended for public libraries.?Larry Little, Penticton P.L., BC
Copyright 1998 Reed Business Information, Inc.

Rafer Johnson won the decathlon in the 1960 Rome Olympics. In contrast to so many contemporary athletes, Johnson ascribes much of his success to those who reached out to help a young African American realize his dream at a time when many of his peers were shunted aside. With significant doses of humor, Johnson recounts his movie "work," in which he played a lot of African warriors, his foray into sports broadcasting, and his eventual business career. Johnson's life has touched many well-known folks: he was on Bobby Kennedy's campaign staff and was present the night Kennedy was assassinated, he worked with Tom Brokaw (who supplies an introduction), was linked romantically with Gloria Steinem, and appeared in a film directed by John Ford. What ultimately emerges is a man who is deservedly proud of his accomplishments but who has never lost his sense of self or his gratitude to those who helped along the way. In a world of tell-all, smear-all celebrity autobiographies in which the number of scandals related has direct bearing on the number of copies sold, this will stand out as unique because it is the autobiography of an uncommonly decent, ethical, and likable man. No scandals, no bitterness, no revenge--just good reading. Wes Lukowsky

Excerpt. © Reprinted by permission. All rights reserved.

My friendship with the Kennedys had a strong influence on my political views.  Knowing that powerful people were willing to put themselves on the line for equality made me confident that working within the system was not a lost cause.

At the time, it was fashionable for commentators and political opponents to call Bobby "ruthless."  That quality might have been evident in his earlier years, or behind closed doors in the corridors of power, but I never saw any sign of it. Aggressive, yes; ambitious, yes; combative, yes.  But those are traits we like our leaders to have, as long as they stand for what is right, decent, and equitable.  Bobby had a quality that great athletes have: He knew how to win.  In a small way, I had an early taste of what he could do when he put his power and can-do attitude to work.  When People to People was having difficulty moving students into and out of the country due to governmental red tape, I called the attorney general's office.  Within hours, the problem was solved.  I had no doubt that Bobby could make bigger things happen as well.

Many observers have noted that Bobby changed a great deal during the course of his public career.  In fact, one thing that always impressed me was his consistency.  His compassion for the less fortunate and his dedication to improving their lot were part of his makeup.  Many historians believe that he was the real force behind the civil rights agenda in his brother's administration.  Under Bobby's leadership the justice department finally exercised its power on behalf of minorities--enforcing desegregation laws, investigating voting rights violations, and recommending qualified blacks for positions as federal judges and U.S.  marshals.

I never doubted Bobby's sincerity and basic decency.  Unlike most politicians, he did not pander to his audience.  At times he would even say things that made his supporters uncomfortable.  I saw him with rich people and poor, young and old, whites and blacks, liberals and conservatives; he always spoke his mind, and he treated everyone, from servants to cabinet members, with respect.

In some ways he did change, though.  He grew wiser, better informed, and more decisive about the issues facing the country. I saw him respond to a tour of Brooklyn's Bedford-Stuyvesant with a major restoration plan that transformed that blighted neighborhood. I saw him fight for Native American rights after observing conditions on reservations.  I saw him befriend Cesar Chavez and lend his support to the United Farm Workers after visiting the migrant labor camps in California.  I also saw him come out against the Vietnam War, even though he himself had supported military intervention during his brother's administration.

If I needed any further convincing about Bobby's integrity, I got it the night I had dinner with him and Stokely Carmichael. After courageously leading the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee's voting rights campaign, Stokely had grown increasingly inflammatory, using "Black Power" as a rallying cry for radical change.  The fact that Bobby would invite to his home a man who compared black membership in the Democratic Party to Jews becoming Nazis was a statement in itself.  Bobby listened to Stokely's views with interest.  Then the subject shifted to an event in the news: A black man had hijacked an American plane and forced it to fly to Cuba.  Stokely's position was that the United States was not a true homeland to blacks, and that violent acts like hijacking were justifiable reactions to oppression.  Acknowledging the nation's shameful legacy of racism, Bobby spoke the plain and simple truth: The hijacker was a criminal who just happened to be black, and he was endangering the lives of innocent people.

This is a solid man, I said to myself.  He has a strong sense of justice, and he tells it like it is without altering his message or manner to suit the occasion.  I vowed that if he ever ran for national office, I would do everything I could to help him get elected.



When Bobby declared himself a candidate for president in 1968, I was overjoyed.  Like many others, I had come to see him as the one person who could keep the country from tearing itself apart.  The Democratic Party and the nation needed a peace candidate, and Bobby was the logical choice.  He had hesitated to enter the race, though, and Senator Eugene McCarthy had filled the void, demonstrating that President Lyndon B. Johnson was vulnerable by scoring big in the New Hampshire primary.  Then Bobby joined the fray and President Johnson announced that he would not seek re-election.  It was a three-way race for the Democratic nomination between Senator Kennedy, Senator McCarthy, and Vice President Hubert Humphrey.

I immediately geared up to help my friend win the all-important California primary.  Each step of his campaign strengthened my conviction that he was the right man at the right time.  His speeches were not only galvanizing, they were unlike politics as usual: He spoke his heart, telling audiences what he felt they needed to hear, not what would win him votes. Then came his defining moment as a candidate--the devastating night that Martin Luther King, Jr., was assassinated.  Bobby was on his way to a campaign stop in Indianapolis when he heard the news.  Instead of cancelling his speech, as his handlers and police advised, he stood before a mostly black crowd of about a thousand and told them what had taken place.  With his voice cracking, he kept the shaken audience calm and urged them to "make an effort, as Martin Luther King did, to understand and to comprehend, and to replace that violence, that stain of bloodshed that has spread across our land, with an effort to understand with compassion and love."  In the following days, riots erupted in 167 American cities.  Indianapolis was not one of them.

Named an official delegate for the Kennedy ticket, I immediately began to devote all my spare time to the campaign. Shirley MacLaine, Andy Williams, and I organized a "Hollywood for Kennedy" fund-raising gala at the L.A. Sports Arena.  I flew to wherever in the state I was needed, addressing rallies, speaking at press conferences, trying to convince voters that Senator Kennedy was someone who could bring the fractured nation together and deliver on his promises.

All of which made my employer, KNBC, nervous.  Management feared that if a member of the station's news division was too closely identified with a candidate for office, other candidates would demand equal time and the station might be penalized by the Federal Communications Commission.  They told me I would have to stop making public appearances.  I refused.  Their position seemed absurd to me.  I never uttered a word about politics on the air, and I wasn't about to wear RFK buttons on my blazer or insert campaign slogans into the football scores.  Nevertheless, I was taken off the air.  I remained on the payroll and was given writing assignments, but I was not allowed on camera.

My lawyer, Donald Dell, filed a complaint.  The FCC ruled in my favor; my political activities did not violate the equal time regulations.  But then my relationship with management--which had not been ideal in the first place--had chilled.  In addition, the primary was only weeks away and the race was close. At that crucial time I wanted to contribute as much as I could.  I had to choose between staying on my job or working full-time for the campaign: a salaried position with a future versus volunteer work for a cause that would either end in defeat or launch the nation--and probably my life--on a new path.

In my heart, the choice was easy.  To reassure my mind I asked the advice of friends and colleagues.  Tom Brokaw remembers it this way: "I said, 'Gosh, Rafer, you're just starting to get your career going.  I'd think long and hard about it if I were you.' The next day, Bobby Kennedy came into the studio to be interviewed.  The bond between him and Rafer was so deep, so meaningful, so rich, there was so much love and respect between them, that I said to Rafer afterward, "You've got to follow your heart on this one. '"

The next few weeks were a sleepless frenzy.  From one end of California to the other we campaigned nonstop.  Rosey Grier and I stayed so close to Bobby that people thought we were bodyguards. We weren't.  Officially, that job belonged to an experienced security man named Bill Barry.  But big, athletic guys like Rosey and me came in handy.  Bobby's charisma and ability to connect with people inspired fervent responses from the mobs that flocked to his rallies.  We tried to keep the senator and Ethel from being overwhelmed by admirers.

At times the atmosphere was so delirious that supporters would fight for position just to be able to touch the candidate's hand or tousle his hair.  Some tried to steal his cuff links or tear off pieces of his shirt or jacket.  On one occasion I had to chase down a man who ripped Bobby's shoes off his feet and ran away with them.  Another time, in Riverside, Bobby took off his jacket to work the crowd in rolled-up shirt-sleeves.  Someone tore the jacket from his hands.  I had to run through the crowd like a defensive back to catch him.

Oddly enough, even with JFK's assassination fresh in memory, I never gave much thought to the possibility of violence.  The immediate danger was of Bobby or Ethel g...

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