Education and Society: An Introduction to Key Issues in the Sociology of Education - Softcover

Softcover

ISBN 10: 0520295587 ISBN 13: 9780520295582

Publisher: University of California Press, 2019

Synopsis

Drawing on current scholarship, Education and Society takes students on a journey through the many roles that education plays in contemporary societies. Addressing students’ own experience of education before expanding to larger sociological conversations, Education and Society helps readers understand and engage with such topics as peer groups, gender and identity, social class, the racialization of achievement, the treatment of immigrant children, special education, school choice, accountability, discipline, global perspectives, and schooling as a social institution. The book prompts students to evaluate how schools organize our society and how society organizes our schools. Moving from students to schooling to social forces, Education and Society provides a lively and engaging introduction to theory and research and will serve as a cornerstone for courses such as sociology of education, foundations of education, critical issues in education, and school and society.

About this title

About the Author

Thurston Domina is Associate Professor of Educational Policy and Sociology in the School of Education at the University of North Carolina, Chapel Hill. He works in partnership with educational practitioners to better understand the relationship between education and social inequality in the contemporary United States.
 
Benjamin G. Gibbs is Associate Professor of Sociology at Brigham Young University. He researches the origins of inequality in the life course and is currently focusing on the relationship between screen time and adolescent development.
 
Lisa Nunn is Associate Professor of Sociology at the University of San Diego. She is the author of 33 Simple Strategies for Faculty and Defining Student Success as well as past president of the Sociology of Education Association.
 
Andrew Penner is Professor of Sociology at the University of California, Irvine. Penner’s research uses administrative data to understand questions related to inequality, social categorization, and educational policy.

From the Back Cover

“A wonderful resource for getting an overview of the state of the field of the sociology of education. Experts in subareas in the field synthesize the state of the research, summarizing what we know and what future researchers could learn.”—Kimberly Goyette, author of Education in America
 
“This well-written text offers deep insights into the structure and impact of modern schooling across the educational pipeline.”—Daniel Davis, author of Contingent Academic Labor: Evaluating Conditions to Improve Student Outcomes

From the Inside Flap

“A wonderful resource for getting an overview of the state of the field of the sociology of education. Experts in subareas in the field synthesize the state of the research, summarizing what we know and what future researchers could learn.”—Kimberly Goyette, author of Education in America
 
“This well-written text offers deep insights into the structure and impact of modern schooling across the educational pipeline.”—Daniel Davis, author of Contingent Academic Labor: Evaluating Conditions to Improve Student Outcomes

Excerpt. © Reprinted by permission. All rights reserved.

Education and Society

An Introduction to Key Issues in the Sociology of Education

By Thurston Domina, Benjamin G. Gibbs, Lisa Nunn, Andrew Penner

UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA PRESS

Copyright © 2019 Thurston Domina, Benjamin G. Gibbs, Lisa Nunn, and Andrew Penner
All rights reserved.

ISBN: 978-0-520-29558-2

Contents

List of Illustrations, 
Editors' Introduction, 
PART 1 Theoretical Orientations in the Sociology of Education, 
1 The Growth of Schooling in Global Perspective Evan Schofer, 
2 A Contextual Understanding of Schools' Role in the Stratification System: Are Schools a Compensatory, Neutral, or Exacerbatory Institution? Douglas Downey, 
PART 2 Student Experiences in Education, 
3 Gender Inequality in Education: Outcomes and Experiences Catherine Riegle-Crumb, 
4 Hidden in Plain Sight: Rethinking Race in Education Rob Eschmann and Charles M. Payne, 
5 Immigrant Children and Children of Immigrants in American Schools: Shifting Demographics Edelina M. Burciaga, 
CASE STUDY 1 Sexualities in Education C.J. Pascoe and Tony Silva, 
6 Social Class and Student-Teacher Interactions Jessica Calarco, 
7 First-Generation College Students Lisa M. Nunn, 
8 Peer Sorting, Peer Influence, and Student Outcomes William Carbonaro, 
CASE STUDY 2 The "Asian F" and the Racialization of Achievement Jennifer Lee, Sean Drake, and Min Zhou, 
PART 3 Schools and Other Educational Organizations, 
9 Creating the Canon: The Meaning and Effects of Textbooks and Curricula Patricia Bromley and Daniel Scott Smith, 
10 Sorting Students for Learning: Eight Questions about Secondary-School Tracking Sean Kelly, 
11 Special Education and Social Inequality Jacob Hibel, 
12 A Sociology of School Discipline Richard Arum, E. Christine Baker-Smith, and Jessica Lipschultz, 
CASE STUDY 3 Within Elite Academic Walls: Inequity and Student Experience on Campus Megan Thiele and Karen Jeong Robinson, 
13 School Segregation by Race/Ethnicity and Economic Status Ann Owens, 
14 Sociological Perspectives on Leading and Teaching for School Change Sarah L. Woulfin, 
15 School Choice: Policy and Perspectives Linda Renzulli and Maria Paino, 
16 Higher Education and the Labor Market Eric Grodsky and Julie Posselt, 
CASE STUDY 4 Importing School Forms across Professional Fields: An Understudied Phenomenon in the Sociology of Education Amy Binder and Scott Davies, 
Notes, 
Index, 

CHAPTER 1

The Growth of Schooling in Global Perspective

EVAN SCHOFER, UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA, IRVINE

EDITORS' NOTE

Having grown up in and around schools, we all have a considerable store of firsthand knowledge about education. We likely also have strong ideas about the various ways in which schools interact with the societies in which they are located. For example, many of us behave in a way that's consistent with human capital theory — studying because we believe that the knowledge and skills we accumulate in school will make us more employable, more productive, and better-paid members of the labor force.

What we already know and believe about education and society is a valuable resource to draw upon as you begin your study of the sociology of education. But it's also important to acknowledge that our firsthand knowledge is limited in important ways. The sociology of education is all about taking a broader view of schooling. We hope that, as you read this book, you'll reflect on the remarkably different ways that diverse students experience school and the many different ways that societies might organize the education of their youth.

This chapter by University of California, Irvine, sociologist Evan Schofer is a good place to start. Schofer reminds us that "school" is a relatively new invention, and that the idea that schools should be open to virtually all youth is newer still. You'll repeatedly encounter the word institution in this chapter. You surely know this word, but unless you've spent a lot of time in a sociology classroom, you may not have thought hard about what it means. In this chapter, Schofer is using institution to mean a set of ideas about how to accomplish broad social goals. In this sense, education is an institution.

As you read this chapter, think about why the institution of education became central to societies around the world during the twentieth century. Can you imagine a world without schools? How different might your life be in such a world?

KEY POINTS

• Schooling has grown tremendously over time, at every level, and in every corner of the globe. Scholars refer to this as the rise of the schooled society.

• It is commonly assumed that schools emerge and expand because people need human capital (skills) in order to get jobs.

• Sociologists offer alternative views about the growth of schooling. Some believe it reflects the efforts of elites to maintain their advantages.

• Other sociologists believe that the growth of schooling reflects the spread of ideas and cultural norms, such as a belief in the scientific method and in universal human rights, that make schooling seem particularly important and valuable.

• Some evidence can be found for each perspective. Historical evidence often supports the two sociological arguments. Quantitative studies of global trends tend to support the latter view.

INTRODUCTION

School is a universal experience for children growing up in wealthy countries like the United States. In fact, school is so commonplace, so utterly taken for granted, that we rarely question its existence. But why do we have schools in the first place? And why is there more schooling now than in the past?

This chapter describes and explores the tremendous growth of schooling over the past two centuries. Several important theories developed by sociologists of education are discussed, as well as evidence sociologists have used to evaluate these perspectives. Finally, the chapter briefly reflects on the consequences of the hyperexpansion of schooling.

THE OVERWHELMING SUCCESS OF MODERN SCHOOLING

Educators and scholars often proclaim a state of crisis in schooling, because schools do not accomplish all that we hope and desire. Yet in an important sense, schools are fantastically successful. Two centuries ago, schooling was rare around the world, mainly limited to affluent men in a handful of countries. Even fifty years ago in Europe, university matriculation was fairly uncommon. In poor countries, few children continued beyond elementary school, and hardly anyone went on to college. Now, most of the world's children get at least a basic education. College is the norm for people growing up in rich countries, and college enrollment is expanding quickly everywhere else. Schooling has also become more inclusive over the past century. Women were excluded from many kinds of education in the past, but they now attend school at higher rates than men in most parts of the world. Enrollment trends among members of disadvantaged minority groups have also improved in many places. This is not to say that all inequalities have been solved, but the overall trends in school enrollments are encouraging.

Figure 1 presents historical trends in school enrollments for the last two centuries, pieced together from different sources (adapted and updated from Schofer and Meyer 2005). As is evident, mass education expanded during the course of the nineteenth century, with a sharp acceleration after 1945, when World War II ended. Participation in junior high and high school took off at the end of the nineteenth century and followed a similar trajectory. College and university enrollments accelerated starting around 1960.

The sheer scale of modern schooling around the world is something to behold. Upward of 700 million children now attend elementary school, 550 million attend junior high or high school, and another 200 million are enrolled in college or graduate school. All told, something like 1.4 billion people are students at this very moment, or nearly 20 percent of humanity.

The world's incredible commitment to education is also reflected in budget numbers. Most wealthy countries spend around 5 percent of their economic resources on education. The US economy produces about eighteen trillion dollars' worth of goods and services each year, and about 5.7 percent of that amount is spent on education — roughly a trillion dollars! The figure for the globe is harder to estimate but certainly exceeds five trillion dollars and is probably closer to ten trillion. Sociologist David Baker (2014) refers to this as the educational revolution and describes our world, in which education has such centrality and importance, as "the schooled society."

Opposition to schooling was common in the past. Elites feared education would lead to rebellion: peasants filling their heads with new ideas might become discontent with their place in the social order. Families and religious groups worried that secular public schools would undermine traditional values and authority over their children. These forms of opposition still exist. For instance, radical religious groups have intimidated and even attack schoolchildren in Afghanistan and Nigeria. But opposition to schooling is now very much the exception rather than the rule.

THE RISE OF MODERN SCHOOLING

All human societies provide some form of education to their young, but the forms have varied throughout history (see Collins 2000). Children are taught knowledge and skills directly by their parents. A craftsperson may learn a trade by apprenticing with a master for many years. Workers may gain job skills from training programs run by their employers. Or religious groups may create schools focused solely on theology and religious tradition. These can all be observed today, but they are not the main story.

The huge expansion of schooling primarily involves a particular form of education, often called modern schools, which have their origins in western Europe. The features are familiar, as most of us have experienced them. Modern schooling takes place outside the home, in age-graded groups, taught by professional teachers and organized by governments or sometimes private or religious groups. Modern schools generally emphasize reading and writing, math, and social studies at the lower levels. The higher levels of schooling tend to be more diverse and sometimes include job skills or professional training. Universities have a longer history in Europe, dating back to the medieval era, and elements of modern schooling are derived from them. Ultimately universities became linked to rapidly growing systems of mass schooling, producing the stages of education we are familiar with today.

COMPARATIVE VARIATIONS: BRIEF EXAMPLES

Modern school systems have many similarities around the world, a point that will be taken up later. That said, there are plenty of differences in schools around the world, variations on a common theme. The United States happens to be one of the more atypical countries when it comes to the organization and funding of schools. American education is unusually decentralized. Schools are mainly funded by states and local communities, rather than by the central government in Washington, DC. Consequently, US schools are particularly unequal in terms of funding, as poor communities have few tax dollars for education. State or local groups have relatively greater control over the curriculum than does the federal government. This can be seen as ensuring valuable flexibility: schools can cater to local values and concerns. But this control can create an opportunity for controversy and conflict if, for example, some local communities would prefer to gloss over the injustices of slavery or teach creationism rather than evolution.

In contrast to the US approach, a more typical approach is for countries to establish a ministry of education (a high-level branch of the government), which plans and funds schooling throughout the country. This tends to produce greater consistency in funding and in what schools teach. Another difference is that many countries have different types of schools at the higher levels. In Germany, for instance, some students might go to academic high schools to prepare for college, while others may attend specialized vocational schools devoted entirely to teaching job skills like metalworking or car repair. Finally, high-stakes examinations are a common feature in many countries. To graduate from one level of schooling to the next, or to avoid being forced into vocational training, one has to pass a challenging test. In South Korea and China, for example students may study for years, often spending long hours in after-school tutoring programs ("shadow education"), to gain access to the best high schools and colleges.

Another huge difference in schooling worldwide is the amount of resources schools have. In most wealthy countries, schools have lavish buildings, computers, and many highly trained teachers. In the poorest parts of the world, schools may have dirt floors, crude chalkboards, and a teacher with very little training. And many schools fall in between. To get a sense of the range, consider the fact that Cambodia has an economy that produces about fifteen billion dollars per year, and the country spends about 1.6 percent of that on education. After taking population into account, the United States is over fifty times wealthier than Cambodia and spends roughly two hundred times more on schooling. We tend to think of American inner-city schools as poverty stricken, but many rural schools in parts of Africa, Asia, and Latin American are vastly poorer.

EXPLAINING THE EXPANSION OF SCHOOLING

What is the relationship between schools and society? Why do societies have schools in the first place? And why has schooling grown so much?

It is useful to start by reflecting on the kinds of arguments that sociologists avoid. People sometimes proclaim that humans pursue knowledge or create schools because we are naturally curious or have an innate drive to learn and explore the world. While we know that human behavior is affected to some extent by genetics and psychology, sociologists tend to be skeptical of efforts to explain highly complex human behavior — such as the emergence of modern schools — as the result of our DNA or psychological impulses. Throughout history, human societies have had radically different customs and beliefs regarding education. We should be very cautious about assuming that our schools reflect "human nature."

FUNCTIONALISM AND HUMAN CAPITAL THEORY

Functionalism

One classic sociological perspective argued that schooling was natural for the kind of society we have. The functionalist perspective holds that social institutions — such as governments or religions or schools — arise because they serve an important purpose (a "function"), that societies require them in order to work properly. The perspective draws on the analogy of a living organism: each body part, such as the heart or lungs, must surely perform some essential function needed to survive. So, the task for sociologists is to figure out what essential purpose schools fulfill.

Functionalist scholars argue that schools are needed to socialize children (teach them society's rules), to train people for jobs, and sort people into the right jobs. Society needs specially trained people, like engineers and surgeons, and schools arose to produce them. But only so many engineers or surgeons are needed. School grades and degrees are thought to reflect merit (skill and hard work), which employers and professional schools can use to decide who is suited to professional work, and who should do menial farm labor or scan items at a cash register.

So, why did schooling grow? Functionalist sociologists focus on the major economic shifts of the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, such as the Industrial Revolution. European countries went from agriculture-based economies to having complex industrial economies, a process referred to as modernization. In agricultural societies, most people were farmers and didn't need much education. By contrast, modern industrial societies needed skilled workers to fill rapidly expanding jobs in factories, corporations, and governments. This necessitated the growth of modern schooling.

Classic functionalism has gone out of style in the field of sociology. Sociologists have largely abandoned the idea that society and its components naturally evolve over time like an organism. But many outside of sociology continue to assume that schools exist to teach necessary skills and are fundamentally meritocratic, meaning that they evaluate and reward people based on talent and hard work.

Human Capital Theory

Economists have developed a similar argument, using their own distinct language. Economists explain the world as a consequence of individual choices in a market economy. Schools will exist if people think schooling is more valuable than alternative activities such as earning a paycheck at work. But why would anyone spend years and years working hard in school, not earning a penny? The answer, according to economists, is that schools teach valuable skills that will pay off in the future. These skills are called human capital (Schultz 1961). People may choose to spend years in medical school and even pay lots of tuition to obtain skills needed to land an extremely high-paying job, which will generate greater income over one's lifetime.

Human capital theory views schools as the handmaidens of the economy, producing workers needed to fill the jobs in the labor market. If this is true, why would schooling expand over time? The answer is similar to the functionalist argument above: societies shift from agriculture to industry, and now increasingly to a high-tech postindustrial economy. In particular, economists focus on "skill-biased technological change," which refers to the rise of technologies that depend on highly skilled workers (see Goldin and Katz 2008). An example of one such technology is computers, which produce huge leaps in efficiency for those with the skills to use them. Such technologies create demand (and thus high salaries) for skilled workers, which in turn propels more and more people to seek out schooling.

CONFLICT THEORIES OF EDUCATION

Conflict theories explore ways that schools may either benefit some people at the expense of others or serve as a way for the powerful to exclude or exploit others. Scholars in this tradition have mainly argued that schools are not meritocratic, that they instead maintain or even exacerbate social inequalities.

Marxism

Marxist sociologists such as Samuel Bowles and Herbert Gintis (1976) developed one version of this story, arguing that schools are a tool of industrial capitalists, who need docile workers to fill their factories. They pointed out that schools — especially those that serve poor students — focus on obedience and punctuality. Children are trained to show up on time, follow rules, and work quietly for long periods of time. By contrast, the children of the wealthy often attend lavish private schools that teach a much broader set of skills, producing the next generation of lawyers, doctors, and capitalist elites.

In terms of explaining the growth of schooling, this perspective parallels the prior arguments: schools expand when the economy shifts from agriculture to industrial capitalism. But whereas modernization scholars believe that schools benefit society as a whole, Marxists think schools mainly benefit business owners, who profit from the large supply of obedient workers.

(Continues...)

Excerpted from Education and Society by Thurston Domina, Benjamin G. Gibbs, Lisa Nunn, Andrew Penner. Copyright © 2019 Thurston Domina, Benjamin G. Gibbs, Lisa Nunn, and Andrew Penner. Excerpted by permission of UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA PRESS.
All rights reserved. No part of this excerpt may be reproduced or reprinted without permission in writing from the publisher.
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Edition details

• Publisher: University of California Press
• Publication date: 2019
• Language: English
• ISBN 10: 0520295587
• ISBN 13: 9780520295582
• Binding: Paperback
• Edition number: 1
• Number of pages: 325
• Editor: Domina Thurston, Gibbs Benjamin G., Nunn Lisa, Penner Andrew