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Synopsis
A comprehensive look at the intellectual and cultural innovations of the Weimar period
During its short lifespan, the Weimar Republic (1918–33) witnessed an unprecedented flowering of achievements in many areas, including psychology, political theory, physics, philosophy, literary and cultural criticism, and the arts. Leading intellectuals, scholars, and critics―such as Hannah Arendt, Walter Benjamin, Ernst Bloch, Bertolt Brecht, and Martin Heidegger―emerged during this time to become the foremost thinkers of the twentieth century. Even today, the Weimar era remains a vital resource for new intellectual movements. In this incomparable collection, Weimar Thought presents both the specialist and the general reader a comprehensive guide and unified portrait of the most important innovators, themes, and trends of this fascinating period.
The book is divided into four thematic sections: law, politics, and society; philosophy, theology, and science; aesthetics, literature, and film; and general cultural and social themes of the Weimar period. The volume brings together established and emerging scholars from a remarkable array of fields, and each individual essay serves as an overview for a particular discipline while offering distinctive critical engagement with relevant problems and debates.
Whether used as an introductory companion or advanced scholarly resource, Weimar Thought provides insight into the rich developments behind the intellectual foundations of modernity.
"synopsis" may belong to another edition of this title.
About the Author
Peter E. Gordon is the Amabel B. James Professor of History at Harvard University. His books include Continental Divide and Rosenzweig and Heidegger. John P. McCormick is professor of political science at the University of Chicago. His books include Machiavellian Democracy and Weber, Habermas, and Transformations of the European State.
From the Back Cover
"This is the first work in a generation that presents a comprehensive overview of Weimar culture with all its complexity and contradictions. It successfully shows continuities and discontinuities with the past, and tensions that resist reduction. The book's reach--from theology to the biological sciences, and literary criticism to legal theory--goes far beyond any other volume I am aware of on the same subject."--Peter Carl Caldwell, Rice University
"In the annals of cultural history, the Weimar Republic was an ideational crucible that bears comparison only with classical Athens and Renaissance Florence. In many respects, as a site of modernity, its achievements remain unsurpassed. Weimar Thought revisits this legacy in ways that are fresh, rich, thought provoking, and subtle. It is destined to become the standard work on the Weimar experience for years to come."--Richard Wolin, author of Heidegger's Children: Hannah Arendt, Karl Löwith, Hans Jonas, and Herbert Marcuse
"This collection provides readers with a clear introduction to the riches of intellectual life in Weimar Germany and contextualizes many of the trends and innovations that took place there. Essential for anyone interested in the philosophical, theological, historical, political, legal, aesthetic, and scientific movements of Weimar Germany, this book will have a wide audience."--Leora Batnitzky, Princeton University
"The years of the short-lived Weimar Republic witnessed a remarkable burgeoning of intellectual and cultural activity. Incorporating recent theoretical and methodological currents, and more recent advances in empirical scholarship, this timely volume brings together outstanding scholars of the field and synthesizes this crucial moment in modern culture."--Warren Breckman, University of Pennsylvania
Excerpt. © Reprinted by permission. All rights reserved.
Weimar Thought
A Contested Legacy
By Peter E. Gordon, John P. McCormickPRINCETON UNIVERSITY PRESS
Copyright © 2013 Princeton University Press
All rights reserved.
ISBN: 978-0-691-13511-3All rights reserved.
Contents
| Introduction: Weimar Thought: Continuity and Crisis Peter E. Gordon and John P. McCormick.......................................................... | 1 |
| Part I: Law, Politics, Society............................................. | |
| 1 Weimar Sociology David Kettler and Colin Loader......................... | 15 |
| 2 Weimar Psychology: Holistic Visions and Trained Intuition Mitchell G. Ash........................................................................ | 35 |
| 3 Legal Theory and the Weimar Crisis of Law and Social Change John P. McCormick.................................................................. | 55 |
| 4 The Legacy of Max Weber in Weimar Political and Social Theory Dana Villa...................................................................... | 73 |
| Part II: Philosophy, Theology, Science..................................... | |
| 5 Kulturphilosophie in Weimar Modernism John Michael Krois................ | 101 |
| 6 Weimar Philosophy and the Fate of Neo-Kantianism Frederick Beiser....... | 115 |
| 7 Weimar Philosophy and the Crisis of Historical Thinking Charles Bambach.................................................................... | 133 |
| 8 Weimar Theology: From Historicism to Crisis Peter E. Gordon............. | 150 |
| 9 Method, Moment, and Crisis in Weimar Science Cathryn Carson............. | 179 |
| Part III: Aesthetics, Literature, Film..................................... | |
| 10 Walter Benjamin, Siegfried Kracauer, and Weimar Criticism Michael Jennings................................................................... | 203 |
| 11 Writers and Politics in the Weimar Republic Karin Gunnemann............ | 220 |
| 12 Aesthetic Fundamentalism in Weimar Poetry: Stefan George and his Circle, 1918–1933 Martin A. Ruehl......................................... | 240 |
| 13 Weimar Film Theory Sabine Hake......................................... | 273 |
| 14 The Politics of Art and Architecture at the Bauhaus, 1919–1933 John V. Maciuika................................................................... | 291 |
| 15 Aby Warburg and the Secularization of the Image Michael P. Steinberg... | 316 |
| Part IV: Themes of an Epoch................................................ | |
| 16 Eastern Wisdom in an Era of Western Despair: Orientalism in 1920s Central Europe Susanne Marchand........................................... | 341 |
| 17 Weimar Femininity: Within and Beyond the Law Tracie Matysik............ | 361 |
| 18 The Weimar Left: Theory and Practice Martin Jay........................ | 377 |
| 19 The Aftermath: Reflections on the Culture and Ideology of National Socialism Anson Rabinbach................................................. | 394 |
| Weimar Thought: A Chronology............................................... | 407 |
| Contributors............................................................... | 417 |
| Index...................................................................... | 423 |
Excerpt
CHAPTER 1
Weimar Sociology
David Kettler and Colin Loader
Although it would take an ironist with the genius of Georg Simmel to do justiceto the complex of competing teachings and practices that comprised Weimarsociology, it was nonetheless a bounded field, and even a distinctive disciplinein formation. Simmel himself could not have written such an account of thediscipline, since he had died before the end of the Great War. But he is neverthelessa significant presence in the story that follows here. Like his contemporaryMax Weber, who also did not survive beyond the initial months of the WeimarRepublic, Simmel helped to set an agenda for the generation that followed. Inthe embattled condition of sociology in the universities, moreover, their reputationsamong a wider public also provided an internal password and externallegitimation for a largely self-selected and widely distrusted circle of young outsideraspirants to university careers. Together Simmel and Weber bequeathed toWeimar sociologists a legacy to be both explored and contested as they sought torealize Nietzsche's well-known injunction to become what they were.
We speak of irony, because most contemporaries questioned whether sociologywas more than a label and because the books by sociologists that wereadmired were more likely to be taken as exercises in high journalism than scholarlyworks, let alone sociological "classics." Although institutionalization of thediscipline had in fact begun, its struggle for widespread acceptance was difficult,partly because of its identification with republican constitutional institutions.This overlapping of theoretical, institutional and political competition is an importantpart of our story. For these reasons, after examining the legacy of Simmeland Weber, we turn to Karl Mannheim, the thinker who wrote perhaps the mostdiscussed of such books, but who also most significantly engaged the work ofthe earlier masters and thereby played a noteworthy role in the emerging institutionalizationof Weimar sociology and its relationship to political citizenship.
To understand Mannheim's significance for Weimar sociology, one must locatethe field within both its academic and political contexts. The strong identificationof the German university establishment with the imperial state beforethe war has been well documented. There was little challenge within academiato the belief that the state provided a spiritual unity for the nation, and thus washierarchically above the fragmented, interest-oriented sphere of civil society.The first generation of authors whose work became canonical for German sociologychallenged the elevated standing of the state without great success, andthey could not displace the image of society—and sociology—as a dangerouslydisruptive realm. This perception was heightened by the very important circumstancethat Simmel, Weber, and the others seriously engaged the new, sophisticated,university-trained generation of intellectual Marxists, some of whomeven received their patronage. Their academic opponents maintained that sociologyfostered narrowly limited standpoints—such as mechanistic positivismor radical socialism—divorced from the higher unity of traditional disciplines.Sociology was accordingly never recognized as a university discipline beforethe war, and the imperial "sociologists" who found university positions held appointmentsin disciplines such as political economy or philosophy. Even then,their "sociological" writings, although they were in fact neither positivistic norsocialistic, received only marginal scientific recognition within the universities.
The demise of the imperial political establishment in the trauma of the warand the subsequent declaration of the republic were disorienting for many citizensof the new republic, including its most prominent academic voices. In thechaos of the first post-war years, they looked back on the empire as a more stabletime, when the disruptive forces now on the loose had been subjected to theharness of "tradition" and authority. While the changes brought by the WeimarRepublic were exhilarating to some, they aroused only feelings of disorientationand even anger among the predominant mandarins. Their disillusionment wasreflected in the prevalence of the term "crisis" during these years. Many in theimperial generation within the university joined in Friedrich Meinecke's 1923pseudo-classical lament: "everything is relative, everything is flux—give me aplace where I can stand." Writing at the very end of the Weimar epoch—ina brief journalistic essay for two liberal newspapers published after the disastrouselection of November 1932—Karl Mannheim, in contrast, deprecated thosewho portrayed the widely-discussed "spiritual crisis" as "nothing but an evil thatmust somehow be eliminated" or as something that can be understood by "grandiosesurveys based on intellectual history." What are called "spiritual crises," heobserved, may be "worthily worked through" and they can, in any case, be understoodonly by close examination of the concrete displacements of individualsand groups, the obsolescing of their orientations, and of their "readjustmentefforts." They are by no means merely "spiritual." To give weight to these reflections,Mannheim reports on an exercise in survey research that he evidentlyconducted earlier in that year. The individuals who report experiencing such acrisis also indicate on their questionnaires that they experienced a major changein circumstances—and there is evidence that some at least treated the crisis as adramatic opening to a new realism and autonomy.
Mannheim's protest can serve here as a helpful reminder that Weimar society,like the republic itself, was hardly doomed from the start. Many of the academicintellectuals in the social sciences worked to build and retain a civil and productiveprocess, even across the lines that would soon prove cruelly impassable: thelabor lawyer, Franz Neumann, eagerly accepted the hospitality of Carl Schmitt'sseminar in 1932 to present his argument for exempting the collective bargainingguarantees of the Weimar Constitution from Schmitt's cherished presidentialemergency powers; and Karl Mannheim allied with Hans Freyer in 1932 to defend"contemporary studies" as a legitimate part of the sociological curriculum(even if he openly disdained Freyer's proto-fascist idealization of arbitrary will).Such collaborations were integral to the work of building the plural social constitutionsthat proved so vital to the fabric of Weimar. Mannheim remains thebest known of the scholars dedicated to the constitution of sociology in that setting,and he is often recognized as a representative figure, whose career offers aspecial insight into the course and prospects of sociological development.
For young intellectuals like Mannheim, born twenty to thirty years later thanMeinecke's generation, despairing cries of "crisis" seemed like surrender. Theyounger generation looked instead to the legacy of the two thinkers whose heroicdetachment promised an orientation to both the actuality and the promise of thealleged "crisis of culture"—and whose early deaths made it easier to accord theirwork an iconic status. Although both Simmel and Weber gained a posthumousprestige for the rich detail of their principal "sociological" writings, their chief legacyto the post-war sociological generation concerned their final, more didacticstatements, first delivered as public lectures at historically acute moments. In November1917, Weber spoke to students in Munich on "Science as a Calling," and inJanuary 1919, during the first tumultuous months of the republic, he spoke in thesame venue on "Politics as a Calling." Between Weber's two speeches, Georg Simmel,speaking in the last months of the war, lectured on "The Conflict in ModernCulture," rather soberly completing a cycle of public offerings on this topic, severalof the earlier of which were marred by uncharacteristic bursts of wartime enthusiasm.By the middle of 1920, both Weber and Simmel were dead.
Simmel was born in 1858 into an assimilated Jewish commercial family in Berlin,the metropolis in which he spent most of his life and which provided the inspirationfor much of his work. The learning and wit of his lectures at the Universityof Berlin attracted large audiences, composed mostly of enthusiastic students andthe larger cultivated public. Mannheim and his mentor Georg Lukács, SiegfriedKracauer and Walter Benjamin were among the many young intellectuals whoattended these lectures. Despite Simmel's popularity, his eclectic modernism, hisassociation with left-wing circles, the petty jealousies of less innovative thinkers,and—above all—the anti-Semitism prevalent in the German academy, denied hima professorial chair in Berlin. Only by accepting a move to a provincial universityin 1914 could he receive the academic rank he had long been denied.
While Simmel's family background was in the "disruptive" socio-economicsphere, Weber, who was six years Simmel's junior, grew up within the "unified"political establishment. He was exposed not only to his father's liberal politicalassociates, but also to the many prominent academics visiting the Weberhousehold. Hailed as a rising star in both history and political economy, as wellas a promising political figure, he was called to a chair in political economy atthe University of Heidelberg in 1896. There he presided over one of the mostdynamic intellectual circles in Germany, which was frequented by many of thosewho attended Simmel's lectures. However, within two years his academic careerwas disrupted by a severe mental breakdown. Although he emerged from his illnessin 1904, produced an amazing series of seminal works, and challenged theelders of political economy in institutions such Association for Social Policy, hewas not able to return to the academy until the last years of his life, remote fromhis core constituency in Heidelberg. Like Simmel, although for different reasons,he remained at the margins of the imperial university.
The common starting point of what became their testamentary lectures was adecisive break with the expectation that it might somehow be possible to realizethe harmonistic, unpolitical liberalism derived from Wilhelm von Humboldt,whose central slogan of "Bildung" embodied the notion that a conjunction of individualself-cultivation, collective cultural achievement, and a public order bothprosperous and ethical belonged to the natural course of social development.Although both Simmel and Weber had served on the editorial board of Logos,the pre-war journal that in many ways embodied Fichte's faith in cultural andethical progress, neither of them could see a way to resurrect that model, whichin their eyes seemed to have been decisively undermined by anti-bourgeoistheorists such as Nietzsche, Schopenhauer, and even Marx. While they did notreject the elements of the earlier cultural-liberal complex, they discerned paradoxesin their interrelations. Weimar sociology took its brief from their newlyironic orientation. Weber and Simmel were of course quite dissimilar: Weber remainedinterested in historical development, while Simmel's method was largelyahistorical; Weber appealed to causality whereas Simmel made impressionisticuse of analogy; Weber examined larger social structures based on individualorientation and conduct, whereas Simmel studied smaller social and culturalforms as interactions. But their lectures, delivered at a moment of fundamentaltransition, articulated a constellation of themes that challenged the fledglingdiscipline of sociology. Mannheim would later claim Max Weber as his principalmodel while defending his Ideologie und Utopie against a prominent culturalconservative on the eve of his brief career as professor. And he would draw onSimmel (whose courses he had attended for a semester during his student yearsand whose diagnosis of cultural crisis he had made the starting point for anambitious philosophical lecture he had delivered in Budapest in 1918)10 when in1930 he laid out the rationale of his first sociology course in Frankfurt. In bothcases Mannheim demonstrated the importance of the thematic legacies of thesetwo masters to the emerging sociological field. Ironically, he would also claimthat his own generation was distinguished by a certain hopefulness, in contrastto the "disillusioned realism" he found in Max Weber, whose clear-sightednessnevertheless remained his ideal.
Georg Simmel: Sociology and Cultural Fragmentation
Simmel's 1918 lecture was his final statement on the "tragedy" of culture, a conceptionhe expressed in a distinctive essayistic language combining elements ofKantian philosophy with the Lebensphilosophie of the pre-war decades. The lecture,a social and cultural diagnosis with great resonance, presented cumulativehuman achievements as a mounting threat to the human capacity for achieving.Defining culture as an actualization of humanity's vital and spiritual forces, Simmelacknowledges the catalogue of Kantian antinomies as limitations on rationalself-command but concentrates on a single fundamental polarity—the relationbetween life and form. "Life," resistant to precise definition or delimitation, isflux, formless vitality, creativity, will, the dynamic force of the individual. It can,however, "become [cultural] reality only in the guise of its opposite," which is"form," constituting human creations and interactions and, ultimately, both cultureand society. Moreover, culture is the locus where the individual psyche (orsoul) crystallizes out of the flux of life and develops an internal unity throughits interaction with the creations of other psyches. This constituted agent maybe creative in turn, and its creations figure in new creations in turn. It is formthat makes creations accessible to others. Forms, then, comprise the "objectiveculture," which is the precondition for the "subjective cultures" of creative agents.Yet this cultural promise has a tragic dimension, since those forms, as a conditionof communicability, gain an identity, logic, and validity of their own, which tendto become remote from the vitality that created them and to being experiencedas a reified entity alienated from both the vitality of life and the individual soul.
Simmel had rendered richly concrete the dark side of this general analysis inhis earlier masterpiece, The Philosophy of Money (1900), where he argued thatmodern capitalism must be understood as the highest development of a culturecentered upon money. Money is a means of leveling: it brings both the equalizationand freedom liberalism extols, but also a diminishing heterogeneity, individualism,personality, and qualitative distinction, insofar as it reduces things totheir lowest common denominator; in so doing it transgresses against the idealscelebrated by liberal theorists such as John Stuart Mill and Wilhelm von Humboldt.In the money economy, the qualitative relationships that bind one personalityto another are replaced by technical economic relationships facilitated byan increasing division of labor, such that one is tied to many more individualsthan had previously been the case; but these ties are impersonal and devoid ofthe capacity to germinate subjective culture. A culture of things takes the placeof a culture of personalities, giving rise to intellectual and cultural practices thatfind value only in the objective world.
During the early years of the war, Simmel's characteristic disinterestednessgave way to a sense of duty when he was grudgingly appointed professor inStrasbourg, the most problematic location in the Reich at war. But for the mostpart his subtle writings avoided theorizing solutions and remained concentratedon the signs of the condition he diagnosed; indeed, he sought to identify the factorsand actions that permitted a productive temporizing with these ineluctablecircumstances. Before 1917, he had dramatized the war experience, especially atthe front, as a moment of contact with vital forces, and at times he had hintedthat the war might permit a breakthrough beyond the "crisis" of objectificationin culture, a belief echoed in the early Marxist writings of Georg Lukács, whereit is "revolution" rather than "war" that dissolves reification. But in the last of thewartime lectures Simmel returned to his view of the tensions between objectiveand subjective culture as an inherent "conflict" whose continual management isthe stuff of social existence. From this standpoint, efforts of abrupt deformalization,such as expressionist art or the vogue for mysticism, seemed to him merelyto express a denial of culture.
(Continues...)
(Continues...)
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