Forecast: The Surprising--and Immediate--Consequences of Climate Change - Softcover

Faris, Stephan

Softcover

ISBN 10: 0805090843 ISBN 13: 9780805090840

Publisher: Holt Paperbacks, 2009

Synopsis

The revealing and highly praised portrayal of the surprising ways that climate change will affect the world in the very near future

Climate change has already been altering lives on our planet for a generation: the critically acclaimed Forecast shows, through Stephan Faris's vivid on-the-ground reporting, that there are unanticipated and surprising effects―some catastrophic and some positive―right around the corner.

Global warming will spur the spread of many diseases. The warming world will shift huge populations and potentially redraw political alliances around the globe, driving environmentalists into the hands of anti-immigrant groups. America's coasts are already more difficult places to live as increasing insurance rates make the Gulf Coast and other gorgeous spots prohibitively expensive. Crops will fail in previously lush places and thrive in some formerly barren zones, altering huge industries and remaking traditions. Water scarcity has the potential to inflame and draw the United States into multiple conflicts.

Told through the narratives of current, past, and future events, the result of astonishingly wide travel and reporting, Forecast is a powerful, gracefully written account that opens our eyes about this most urgent issue and how it has altered and will alter our world.

About this title

About the Author

Stephan Faris is a journalist who specializes in writing about the developing world. Since 2000, he has covered Africa, the Middle East, and China for publications including Time, Fortune, The Atlantic Monthly, and Salon. He has lived in Nigeria, Kenya, Turkey, and China. He now lives in Italy with his wife and son.

Excerpt. © Reprinted by permission. All rights reserved.

  1“THINGS WILL BREAK LOOSE FROM THE HANDS OF THE WISE MEN” DARFUR, SCARCITY, AND CONFLICTIn 1985, with the Darfur region of Sudan deep in drought, a doctoral candidate named Alex de Waal met with a bedridden and nearly blind Arab sheikh named Hilal Abdalla. The elderly nomad and his tribesmen had pitched their camp across an unforgiving wasteland of rock and sand. Broad black tents rose like sails against the rough horizon. Thorn trees broke ground at lonesome intervals, sparse grazing for the tribe’s camels. The student was longlimbed and gangly, bent forward with the eagerness of youth. The sheikh—tall, stately, stooped by age—asked him in. “His tent was hung with the paraphernalia of a lifetime’s nomadism—water jars, saddles, spears, swords, leather bags, and an old rifle,” De Waal recalled years later. “He invited me to sit opposite him on a fine Persian rug, summoned his retainer to serve sweet tea on a silver platter, and told me the world was coming to an end.”They dined on goat and rice and ate with their hands. De Waal was studying indigenous reactions to the dryness that gripped the region. The elderly nomad described things he had never seen before. Sand blew over fertile lands. The rare rain washed away alluvial soil. Farmers who had once hosted his tribe and his camels were now blocking their migration; the land could no longer support herder and planter both. Many of the sheikh’s tribesmen had lost their stock and scratched at millet farming, relegated to sandy soil between plots of fertile land.With his stick, the nomad sketched a grid in the sand, a chessboard de Waal understood to be the “moral geography” of the region. The farmers tended to their crops in the black squares, and the sheikh’s people stuck to the white, cutting without conflict like chessboard bishops through the fields. The drought had changed all that. The God-given order was broken, the sheikh said, and he feared the future. “The way the world was set up since time immemorial was being disturbed,” recalled de Waal, now a program director at the Social Science Research Council. “And it was bewildering, depressing, and the consequences were terrible.”Nearly twenty years later, when a new scourge swept across Darfur, de Waal would remember the meeting. Janjaweed fighters in military uniforms, mounted on camels and horses, laid waste to the region. In a campaign of ethnic cleansing targeting the region’s blacks, the armed militiamen raped women, burned houses, and tortured and killed men of fighting age. Through whole swaths of Darfur, they left only smoke curling into the sky. At their head was a six-foot-four Arab with an athletic build and a commanding presence. In a conflict the United States would call genocide, he topped the State Department’s list of suspected war criminals. De Waal recognized him. His name was Musa Hilal, and he was the sheikh’s son.
On the path from worried elder to militant son lie the roots of a conflict that has forced 2 million mostly black Africans from their homes and killed between 200,000 and 450,000 people. The fighting in Darfur is usually described as racially motivated, pitting mounted Arabs against black rebels and civilians. But the distinction between “Arab” and “black African” in Darfur is defined more by lifestyle than by any physical difference: Arabs are generally herders, Africans typically farmers. The two groups are not racially distinct. Both are predominantly Muslim. The fault lines have their origins in another distinction, between settled farmers and nomadic herders fighting over failing lands. The aggression of the warlord Musa Hilal—forged in a time of desertification, drought, and famine—can be traced to the fears of his father and to how climate change shattered a way of life.I first visited the region in the spring of 2004, when I traveled to the town of Adré on the eastern edge of Chad and drove three hours south along the Darfurian border. Refugees had been crossing the dry riverbed that formed the frontier and provided the area with its only source of water. It was early morning when I followed a group of women and their mules down into its dry sands. The rising sun made contrails from the dust at their feet. The vegetation was low and scrubby. The women dug broad holes into the bed of the river and pulled out brownish water with plastic jugs. It was dangerous work. The Janjaweed were still active on the other side and had been watering their horses and camels nearby. While their violence was mostly confined to Darfur, the militia had begun to launch cross-border raids in search of cattle that had escaped their assault.The women had nearly filled their water barrels when two new arrivals dropped from the brush on the far side and fell to their knees in Muslim prayer. They were both women in their fifties, prematurely wrinkled and bent by sun and poverty. When they rose, I asked one to tell me her story. Halime Hassan Osman and her companion had left Chad the night before, risking discovery to return to Darfur and dig in the ruins of their village. They had spent the day in fear, hiding in the bush, too terrified to eat or pray, and returned after another night of fretful walking. The only thing they had found to salvage was a few handfuls of grains and beans. It had been a rough journey, and it seemed strange to me that these two grandmothers had been chosen for the mission. “If the men go, they will kill them,” Halime answered. “If it’s a young woman, they rape her. That’s why it’s us, the old women, who go see.”The refugees were camped in the high ground just inside Chad, in makeshift shelters of bent reeds and woven grass among the mud houses of a nearby village. On the wall of the local dispensary, the community’s only concrete building, children had used charcoal to draw crude sketches of men and machine guns and planes dribbling bombs.A fifty-five-year-old man named Bilal Abdulkarim Ibrahim showed me where he had been shot twice while saving his daughters from being raped. “I said, ‘I will die. I cannot let you rape my girls in front of me.’” His attackers had tied a cord around his testicles and pulled, beating his wife when she tried to cut him loose. He only escaped when an older, white-bearded militiaman ordered his release. Fatum Issac Zakaria, a young girl, was seven months pregnant when she and three others were raped during an attack on her village. “We didn’t want to go with them,” she said. “They beat us all the way into the forest. They said, ‘You are the wives of the rebels.’ They insulted us. They said, ‘You are slaves.’” That night as I was leaving, I saw flames rising from inside Sudan. They glowed for about ten minutes, then faded away. It was the Janjaweed, the refugees told me, torching the last of their homes.

Until the rains began to fail, the sheikh’s people had lived amicably with the settled farmers. The nomads were welcome passers-through, grazing their camels on the rocky hillsides that separated the fertile plots. The farmers would share their wells, and the herders would feed their stock on the leavings from the harvest. But with the drought, the nomads ranged farther for their food, and the farmers began to fence off their land—even fallow land—for fear it would be ruined by passing herds. Sometimes they’d burn the grass upon which the animals fed. A few tribes drifted elsewhere or took up farming, but the camel-herding Arabs stuck to their fraying livelihoods—nomadic herding was central to their cultural identity.The name Darfur means “Land of the Fur,” called so for the largest single tribe of farmers in the region. But the vast region holds the homelands—the dars—of many tribes. In the late 1980s, landless and increasingly desperate Arabs banded together to wrest their own dar from the black farmers, publishing in 1987 a manifesto of racial superiority. It began with complaints of underrepresentation in the government and concluded with a threat to take matters into their own hands: “We fear that if this neglect of the participation of the Arab race continues, things will break loose from the hands of the wise men to those of the ignorant, leading to matters of grave consequences.”Clashes had broken out between the Fur and camel-herding Arabs, and in the two years before an uneasy peace was signed in 1989, three thousand people, mostly Fur, were killed, and hundreds of villages and nomadic camps were burnt. More fighting in the 1990s entrenched the divisions between Arabs and non-Arabs, pitting the pastoralists against the Fur, Zaghawa, and Massaleit, the three tribes that would later form the bulk of the rebellion against the central government. In these disputes, Khartoum often supported the Arabs politically. Sometimes—in an attempt to create a bulwark against revolutionaries from southern Sudan—the government provided arms.When a rebellion began in Darfur in 2003, it was at first a reaction against Khartoum’s neglect and political marginalization of the region. But while the rebels initially sought a pan-ethnic front against a distant, uncaring regime, the schism between those who opposed the government and those who supported it soon broke largely on ethnic lines. The camel-herding Arabs became Khartoum’s staunchest stalwarts.Nomadic Arab militia launched a brutal campaign to push the black farmers from Darfur. They wore military uniforms, sometimes drove military vehicles, and coordinated their attacks with Sudanese aerial bombing. Even so, the conflict was rooted more in land envy than in ethnic hatred. “Some of the Arab pastoral tribes, particularly the camel herders, did not have their own dar, so were always at the mercy of other tribes for land,” said David Mozersky, the International Crisis Group’s project director for the Horn of Africa. “This was fine for hundreds of years, since the system provided land for these groups as they moved. But as desertification worsened and as fertile land decreased, some of these pastoralists sought to have their own land, which wasn’t really an option in Darfur. This was one of the main factors that Khartoum used to manipulate and mobilize these Arab tribes to join the Janjaweed and fight on their side. Interestingly, most of the Arab tribes who have their own land rights did not join the government’s fight.”

I returned to Chad later that year, to the refugee camp of Oure Cassoni, 170 miles north of Adré into the advancing desert. By then, the countryside on the other side of the border had been nearly depopulated. Most of those who were arriving had spent weeks fleeing the Janjaweed, seeking refuge in the hills, following the grass and water, trying to hold on to the last of their livestock, before they finally lost them and headed for the border.Oure Cassoni was a place you’d go to only when you had nothing left. The surrounding desert was flat and featureless, cut by broad, shallow rivers that flooded when it rained and dried when it didn’t. The trees spread out for water—low, thorny scrubs separated by wind-carved sand. Between them, nothing grew, not even dry grass. The horizon unfolded in a shallow arc, as if at sea. Dust devils spun themselves out against the noontime heat. The evenings blew in sandstorms from Darfur. They reared up as if to block the sun, turned everything sepia, then whipped down, leaving tents flattened and torn.The nearest inhabitation, Bahai, was a rundown border town south of the camp, a scattering of concrete-block compounds with a population far smaller than its new, northern neighbor. “Bahai is a terrible place for a camp,” Tim Burroughs, the environmental health officer for the International Rescue Committee, which was running the operation, told the Christian Science Monitor. “It’s where the Sahara begins. There are plenty of dunes, you see houses overtaken by sand, you see villages abandoned.” Groundwater was scarce. Aid workers drew water from a murky artificial lake at the border with Darfur, just three miles from the camp. Rebels were staged nearby and were rumored to be filling up their water tanks at the treatment center. In fifty years, Burroughs said, the area would likely be unable to sustain life.The latest arrivals from Darfur had gathered outside the camp to wait for admission. The men wore robes of white or gray. The women were dressed in the incongruous colors of spring flowers. In the early morning, the refugees would tend to their mule if they had one and arrange their belongings if they had any. Everything slowed with the climbing sun. I moved from one group to another. The thorn-shaped leaves of the low trees offered little protection against the heat, so the refugees draped the branches with rugs, woven plastic mats, and empty rice bags. A small tree might shelter four or five people. No square inch of shade was wasted.A sixty-five-year-old grandmother named Mariem Omar Abdu had fled from her burning village three months earlier. She had watched from the bushes as men in military clothes shot three of her grandchildren. Their bodies were left where they fell. “We feared for ourselves,” she said. “They killed our children. We feared the same would happen to us.” She had watched as soldiers tied up three men from her village, beat them, loaded them on a truck, and drove them away.Zahara Abdulkarim, a woman holding a small child, had large eyes with brows that curled up in a natural frown of concern. Her skin was smooth and unusually dark. Her robes were black. She had awoken one morning to the buzz of planes overhead, the bark of bombs from the far side of her village, and the rush of flames from inside her home. She ran out into her mud-walled courtyard and into the arms of the Janjaweed. One had a knife, and one had a whip. Both wore military uniforms. As they forced her to the ground, she saw her husband’s body lying in the dirt. One held her while the other raped her. They called her a dog and a donkey, and when they were finished the man with the knife slashed deep across her thigh, a few inches above the knee. The mark signified slavery, they told her. She had been branded like a camel. “They want to replace this black skin with Arabs,” she said.Her analysis was echoed by the findings of Brent and Jan Pfundheller, retired law-enforcement officers who had spent a month in the camps conducting more than a thousand interviews in an attempt to quantify human-rights violations for the United States State Department. Men as well as women had been raped with sticks and rifle barrels and threatened with more of the same if they didn’t leave. “One of the most common was, ‘If you like this, stay in Sudan. If you don’t like this, go to Chad,’” said Jan.The attackers usually killed the men and boys, but allowed the women and girls to escape. Children were torn from their mothers’ arms and checked for gender. “They’d take a girl, throw her to the ground,” said Brent. “They’d take a boy, stab him. It takes a long time to make another generation of fighting age.” Nobody was safe. The Janjaweed burned mosques and killed religious leaders. In one village, they burned five black imams alive. In another, invaders took a Koran from the mosque, threw it to the ground, and urinated on it. Men were killed at prayer, and one imam and his son were raped, then taken away. “We’ve worked in Bosnia and Kosovo, so there are certain things you expect,” said Jan. “But I was shocked by the scope of the tragedy.”

Why did Darfur’s lands fail? For much of the 1980s and 1990s, environmental degradation in Sudan and other parts of the Sahel, the semiarid region just south of the Sahara, ...

Edition details

• Publisher: Holt Paperbacks
• Publication date: 2009
• ISBN 10: 0805090843
• ISBN 13: 9780805090840
• Binding: Paperback
• Language: English
• Edition number: 1
• Number of pages: 256