Donald J. Trump is smashing an enmeshed political spoils system to bits: the media complex, the political and party complex, the conservative poseur complex. You name it; Trump is tossing and goring it. The well-oiled elements that sustain and make the American political system cohere are suddenly in Brownian motion, oscillating like never before. An entrenched punditocracy, a self-anointed, meritless intelligentsia, oleaginous politicians, slick media, big money: These political players have built the den of iniquity that Trump is destroying. Against these forces is Trump, acting as a political Samson that threatens to bring the den of iniquity crashing down on its patrons. It is this achievement that the author of “The Trump Revolution: The Donald’s Creative Destruction Deconstructed” cheers. By drastically diminishing The Machine’s moving parts, the author hopes Trump might just help loosen the chains that bind the individual to central government, national and transnational. In the age of unconstitutional government—Democratic and Republican—this Trumpian process of creative destruction can only increase the freedom quotient. We inhabit what broadcaster Mark Levin has termed a post-constitutional America, explains ILANA Mercer. The libertarian ideal—where the chains that tether us to an increasingly tyrannical national government are loosened and power is devolved once again to the smaller units of society—is a long way away. In this post-constitutional jungle, the law of the jungle prevails. In this legislative jungle, the options are few: Do Americans get a benevolent authoritarian to undo the legacies of Barack Obama, George W. Bush and those who went before? Or, does the ill-defined entity called The People continue to submit to Demopublican diktats, past and present? The author of “The Trump Revolution" contends that in the age of unconstitutional government, the best liberty lovers can look to is “action and counteraction, force and counterforce in the service of liberty.” Until such time when the individual is king again, and a decentralized constitution that guarantees regional and individual autonomy has been restored—the process of creative destruction begun by Mr. Trump is likely the best Americans can hope for. A close reading of "The Trump Revolution" will reveal that matters of process are being underscored. Thus the endorsement over the pages of “The Trump Revolution” is not necessarily for the policies of Trump, but for The Process of Trump, the outcome of which might see a single individual weaken the chains that bind each one of us to an oppressive, centralized authority and to the system that serves and sustains it. “The Trump Revolution: The Donald’s Creative Destruction Deconstructed” takes the reader through Trump’s political progression in real time, when many of the book’s essays were penned. The author galvanizes concepts in American political theory—such as John C. Calhoun’s idea of a concurrent majority and historian David Hackett Fischer’s notion of the omnibus candidate—to bolster her case that the Trump revolution is the last heave-ho of America’s historic, founding majority and those who identify with it and value its legacy.
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In her previous book, Into The Cannibal's Pot: Lessons for America From Post-Apartheid South Africa, author Ilana Mercer used the tragic example of post-apartheid South Africa to forewarn Americans of the effects of a shift in their country's founding political dispensation, a shift being achieved stateside through immigration central-planning. America's political class has been tinkering with the country's historical demographic composition for decades. The consequence of the mass importation of poor, Third World immigrants is that America, like South Africa, is headed to dominant-party status, in which a permanent majority intractably hostile to the host culture consolidates power, and in which voting along racial lines is the rule. It used to be that the Democratic Party was this nascent majority's political organ, offering a platform of preferential policies for a voting bloc whose "interests are viewed through the prism of racial affiliations." But, as election year 2016 has shown, the Republican Party is vying for a similar mantle. As sure as night follows day, the American democracy is destined to resemble that of South Africa, where a ruling majority party is permanently entrenched, and where voting is characterized by "a muscular mobilization of a race-based community," with a marginalized minority consigned to the status of spectator in the political bleachers. The Trump revolution, suggests the author, might be the last chance for America's historic, founding majority, and those who identify with it and value its legacy, to reverse the process.
"Mercer spares not a syllable before she sets the stage for her support of the Trump 'Process,' exactly one and the same framework of reality-anchored suppositions that has informed this Jewish South African's paleolibertarian worldview for decades. Unlike libertarian abstractionists (who she not so affectionately describes as promoting 'libertarianism-lite'), Mercer refuses to ground her perspective in, say, radically ahistorical idealizations of the Constitution (a federalist scheme of government that ... began suffering abuse as early on as Washington's second administration). [I]t's been quite some time since the Constitution has been anything much more than a "deadletter." 'The gist of it: Jeffersonian constitutional thought is no longer in the Constitution; it's revival unlikely.' It's been slayed by a host of de facto dictators from both national parties. And, as Mercer reminds us, in a post-Constitutional crisis, 'a liberty-lover's best hope is to see the legacy of the dictator who went before overturned for a period of time."--JACK KERWICK, Ph.D., ethicist, political philosopher, columnist at Townhall.com & FrontPage Magazine, author, The American Offensive: Dispatches from the Front.
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