The Federalist, by Alexander Hamilton, James Madison, and John Jay, constitutes a text central to the American political tradition. Written and published in newspapers in 1787 and 1788 to explain and promote ratification of the proposed Constitution for the United States, which were then bound by the Articles of Confederation, The Federalist remains of singular importance to students of liberty around the world.
George W. Carey was Professor of Government at Georgetown University and editor of The Political Science Reviewer.
James McClellan (1937–2005) was James Bryce Visiting Fellow in American Studies at the Institute of United States Studies, University of London.
Excerpt
The Federalist No. 1
Hamilton
October 27, 1787
To the People of the State of New York:
After a full experience of the insufficiency of the existing federal government,you are invited to deliberate upon a new Constitution for the United States ofAmerica. The subject speaks its own importance; comprehending in itsconsequences nothing less than the existence of the UNION, the safety andwelfare of the parts of which it is composed, the fate of an empire in manyrespects the most interesting in the world. It has been frequently remarked thatit seems to have been reserved to the people of this country, to decide by theirconduct and example, the important question, whether societies of men are reallycapable or not of establishing good government from reflection and choice, orwhether they are forever destined to depend for their political constitutions onaccident and force. If there be any truth in the remark, the crisis at which weare arrived may with propriety be regarded as the period when that decision isto be made; and a wrong election of the part we shall act may, in this view,deserve to be considered as the general misfortune of mankind.
This idea by adding the inducements of philanthropy to those of patriotism, willheighten the solicitude which all considerate and good men must feel for theevent. Happy will it be if our choice should be decided by a judicious estimateof our true interests, uninfluenced and unbiased by considerations foreign tothe public good. But this is a thing more ardently to be wished for thanseriously to be expected. The plan offered to our deliberations affects too manyparticular interests, innovates upon too many local institutions, not to involvein its discussion a variety of objects extraneous to its merits, and of views,passions and prejudices little favorable to the discovery of truth.
Among the most formidable of the obstacles which the new Constitution will haveto encounter may readily be distinguished the obvious interest of a certainclass of men in every State to resist all changes which may hazard a diminutionof the power, emolument, and consequence of the offices they hold under theState establishments; and the perverted ambition of another class of men, whowill either hope to aggrandize themselves by the confusions of their country, orwill flatter themselves with fairer prospects of elevation from the subdivisionof the empire into several partial confederacies than from its union under onegovernment.
It is not, however, my design to dwell upon observations of this nature. I amaware that it would be disingenuous to resolve indiscriminately the oppositionof any set of men into interested or ambitious views merely because theirsituations might subject them to suspicion. Candor will oblige us to admit thateven such men may be actuated by upright intentions; and it cannot be doubtedthat much of the opposition which has already shown itself or may hereafter makeits appearance, will spring from sources, blameless at least, if notrespectable—the honest errors of minds led astray by preconceivedjealousies and fears. So numerous indeed and so powerful are the causes whichserve to give a false bias to the judgment, that we, upon many occasions, seewise and good men on the wrong as well as on the right side of questions of thefirst magnitude to society. This circumstance, if duly attended to, would alwaysfurnish a lesson of moderation to those who are engaged in any controversyhowever well persuaded of being in the right. And a further reason for caution,in this respect, might be drawn from the reflection that we are not always surethat those who advocate the truth are actuated by purer principles than theirantagonists. Ambition, avarice, personal animosity, party opposition, and manyother motives not more laudable than these, are apt to operate as well uponthose who support as those who oppose the right side of a question. Were therenot even inducements to moderation, nothing could be more ill-judged than thatintolerant spirit which has, at all times, characterized political parties. Forin politics, as in religion, it is equally absurd to aim at making proselytes byfire and sword. Heresies in either can rarely be cured by persecution.
And yet, just as these sentiments must appear to candid men, we have alreadysufficient indications that it will happen in this as in all former cases ofgreat national discussion. A torrent of angry and malignant passions will be letloose. To judge from the conduct of the opposite parties, we shall be led toconclude that they will mutually hope to evince the justness of their opinions,and to increase the number of their converts by the loudness of theirdeclamations and the bitterness of their invectives. An enlightened zeal for theenergy and efficiency of government will be stigmatized as the offspring of atemper fond of power and hostile to the principles of liberty. Anover-scrupulous jealousy of danger to the rights of the people, which is morecommonly the fault of the head than of the heart, will be represented as merepretence and artifice, the stale bait for popularity at the expense of thepublic good. It will be forgotten, on the one hand, that jealousy is the usualconcomitant of violent love, and that the noble enthusiasm of liberty is too aptto be infected with a spirit of narrow and illiberal distrust. On the otherhand, it will be equally forgotten that the vigor of government is essential tothe security of liberty; that, in the contemplation of a sound and well-informedjudgment, their interest can never be separated; and that a dangerous ambitionmore often lurks behind the specious mask of zeal for the rights of the peoplethan under the forbidding appearance of zeal for the firmness and efficiency ofgovernment. History will teach us that the former has been found a much morecertain road to the introduction of despotism than the latter, and that of thosemen who have overturned the liberties of republics, the greatest number havebegun their career by paying an obsequious court to the people; commencingdemagogues, and ending tyrants.
In the course of the preceding observations, it has been my aim,fellow-citizens, to put you upon your guard against all attempts, from whateverquarter, to influence your decision in a matter of the utmost moment to yourwelfare, by any impressions other than those which may result from the evidenceof truth. You will, no doubt, at the same time, have collected from the generalscope of them, that they proceed from a source not unfriendly to the newConstitution. Yes, my countrymen, I own to you that, after having given it anattentive consideration, I am clearly of opinion it is your interest to adoptit. I am convinced that this is the safest course for your liberty, yourdignity, and your happiness. I affect not reserves which I do not feel. I willnot amuse you with an appearance of deliberation when I have decided. I franklyacknowledge to you my convictions, and I will freely lay before you the reasonson which they are founded. The consciousness of good intentions disdainsambiguity. I shall not, however, multiply professions on this head. My motivesmust remain in the depository of my own breast. My arguments will be open toall, and may be judged of by all. They shall at least be offered in a spiritwhich will not disgrace the cause of truth.
I propose, in a series of papers, to discuss the following interestingparticulars:—The utility of the UNION to your politicalprosperity—The insufficiency of the present Confederation to preserve thatUnion—The necessity of a government at least equally energetic with theone proposed, to the attainment of this object—The conformity of theproposed Constitution to the true principles of republican government—Itsanalogy to your own State constitution—and lastly, The additional securitywhich its adoption will afford to the preservation of that species ofgovernment, to liberty, and to property.
In the progress of this discussion I shall endeavor to give a satisfactoryanswer to all the objections which shall have made their appearance, that mayseem to have any claim to attention.
It may perhaps be thought superfluous to offer arguments to prove the utility ofthe UNION, a point, no doubt, deeply engraved on the hearts of the great body ofthe people in every State, and one, which it may be imagined, has noadversaries. But the fact is, that we already hear it whispered in the privatecircles of those who oppose the new Constitution, that the thirteen States areof too great extent for any general system, and that we must of necessity resortto separate confederacies of distinct portions of the whole.* This doctrinewill, in all probability, be gradually propagated, till it has votaries enoughto countenance its open avowal. For nothing can be more evident, to those whoare able to take an enlarged view of the subject, than the alternative of anadoption of the new Constitution or a dismemberment of the Union. It maytherefore be essential to examine particularly the advantages of that Union, thecertain evils, and the probable dangers, to which every State will be exposedfrom its dissolution. This shall accordingly be done.
Publius
The Federalist No. 2
Jay
October 31, 1787
To the People of the State of New York:
When the people of America reflect that they are now called upon to decide aquestion, which, in its consequences, must prove one of the most important thatever engaged their attention, the propriety of their taking a verycomprehensive, as well as a very serious, view of it, will be evident.
Nothing is more certain than the indispensable necessity of government, and itis equally undeniable, that whenever and however it is instituted, the peoplemust cede to it some of their natural rights, in order to vest it with requisitepowers. It is well worthy of consideration therefore, whether it would conducemore to the interest of the people of America that they should, to all generalpurposes, be one nation, under one federal government, than that they shoulddivide themselves into separate confederacies, and give to the head of each thesame kind of powers which they are advised to place in one national government.
It has until lately been a received and uncontradicted opinion, that theprosperity of the people of America depended on their continuing firmly united,and the wishes, prayers, and efforts of our best and wisest citizens have beenconstantly directed to that object. But politicians now appear, who insist thatthis opinion is erroneous, and that instead of looking for safety and happinessin union, we ought to seek it in a division of the States into distinctconfederacies or sovereignties. However extraordinary this new doctrine mayappear, it nevertheless has its advocates; and certain characters who were muchopposed to it formerly, are at present of the number. Whatever may be thearguments or inducements which have wrought this change in the sentiments anddeclarations of these gentlemen, it certainly would not be wise in the people atlarge to adopt these new political tenets without being fully convinced thatthey are founded in truth and sound policy.
It has often given me pleasure to observe, that independent America was notcomposed of detached and distant territories, but that one connected, fertile,wide-spreading country was the portion of our western sons of liberty.Providence has in a particular manner blessed it with a variety of soils andproductions, and watered it with innumerable streams, for the delight andaccommodation of its inhabitants. A succession of navigable waters forms a kindof chain round its borders, as if to bind it together; while the most noblerivers in the world, running at convenient distances, present them with highwaysfor the easy communication of friendly aids, and the mutual transportation andexchange of their various commodities.
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